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During a long conversation with Fidel on the night of their first meeting, Guevara concluded that the Cuban's cause was the one for which he had been searching and before daybreak he had signed up as a member of the July 26 Movement.
By this point in Guevara's life, he deemed that U. In this vein, he considered Batista a " U. The key portion of training involved learning hit and run tactics of guerrilla warfare.
Guevara and the others underwent arduous hour marches over mountains, across rivers, and through the dense undergrowth, learning and perfecting the procedures of ambush and quick retreat.
From the start Guevara was Alberto Bayo's "prize student" among those in training, scoring the highest on all of the tests given.
Guevara then married Gadea in Mexico in September , before embarking on his plan to assist in the liberation of Cuba. The first step in Castro's revolutionary plan was an assault on Cuba from Mexico via the Granma , an old, leaky cabin cruiser.
They set out for Cuba on 25 November Attacked by Batista's military soon after landing, many of the 82 men were either killed in the attack or executed upon capture; only 22 found each other afterwards.
With the group withdrawn to the Sierra, the world wondered whether Castro was alive or dead until early when the interview by Herbert Matthews appeared in The New York Times.
The article presented a lasting, almost mythical image for Castro and the guerrillas. Guevara was not present for the interview, but in the coming months he began to realize the importance of the media in their struggle.
Meanwhile, as supplies and morale diminished, and with an allergy to mosquito bites which resulted in agonizing walnut-sized cysts on his body,  Guevara considered these "the most painful days of the war".
During Guevara's time living hidden among the poor subsistence farmers of the Sierra Maestra mountains, he discovered that there were no schools, no electricity, minimal access to healthcare, and more than 40 percent of the adults were illiterate.
As second in command, Guevara was a harsh disciplinarian who sometimes shot defectors. Deserters were punished as traitors, and Guevara was known to send squads to track those seeking to go AWOL.
Although he maintained a demanding and harsh disposition, Guevara also viewed his role of commander as one of a teacher, entertaining his men during breaks between engagements with readings from the likes of Robert Louis Stevenson , Miguel de Cervantes , and Spanish lyric poets.
We would have given our life for him. His commanding officer Fidel Castro described Guevara as intelligent, daring, and an exemplary leader who "had great moral authority over his troops".
On one occasion Iglesias recounts the time he had been wounded in battle, stating "Che ran out to me, defying the bullets, threw me over his shoulder, and got me out of there.
The guards didn't dare fire at him Guevara was instrumental in creating the clandestine radio station Radio Rebelde Rebel Radio in February , which broadcast news to the Cuban people with statements by 26 July movement, and provided radiotelephone communication between the growing number of rebel columns across the island.
To quell the rebellion, Cuban government troops began executing rebel prisoners on the spot, and regularly rounded up, tortured, and shot civilians as a tactic of intimidation.
As the war extended, Guevara led a new column of fighters dispatched westward for the final push towards Havana. Travelling by foot, Guevara embarked on a difficult 7-week march, only travelling at night to avoid an ambush and often not eating for several days.
In a matter of days he executed a series of "brilliant tactical victories" that gave him control of all but the province's capital city of Santa Clara.
Che's eventual victory despite being outnumbered remains in the view of some observers a "remarkable tour de force in modern warfare".
This contradicted reports by the heavily controlled national news media, which had at one stage reported Guevara's death during the fighting.
The final death toll from the two years of revolutionary fighting was 2, people. Guevara returned to the seaside village of Tarara in June for his honeymoon with Aleida.
The first major political crisis arose over what to do with the captured Batista officials who had perpetrated the worst of the repression.
In the revolutionary government extended its application to the whole of the republic and to those it considered war criminals, captured and tried after the revolution.
According to the Cuban Ministry of Justice , this latter extension was supported by the majority of the population, and followed the same procedure as those in the Nuremberg trials held by the Allies after World War II.
Some exiled opposition biographers report that he relished the rituals of the firing squad, and organized them with gusto, while others relate that Guevara pardoned as many prisoners as he could.
If the only way to "defend the revolution was to execute its enemies, he would not be swayed by humanitarian or political arguments".
Along with ensuring "revolutionary justice", the other key early platform of Guevara was establishing agrarian land reform. Almost immediately after the success of the revolution, on 27 January , Guevara made one of his most significant speeches where he talked about "the social ideas of the rebel army".
During this speech he declared that the main concern of the new Cuban government was "the social justice that land redistribution brings about".
The two men quickly bonded, as Sukarno was attracted to Guevara's energy and his relaxed informal approach; moreover they shared revolutionary leftist aspirations against western imperialism.
During the visit he refused to visit and lay a wreath at Japan's Tomb of the Unknown Soldier commemorating soldiers lost during World War II , remarking that the Japanese "imperialists" had "killed millions of Asians".
Upon Guevara's return to Cuba in September , it became evident that Castro now had more political power.
The government had begun land seizures in accordance with the agrarian reform law, but was hedging on compensation offers to landowners, instead offering low-interest "bonds", a step which put the United States on alert.
At this point the affected wealthy cattlemen of Camagüey mounted a campaign against the land redistributions and enlisted the newly-disaffected rebel leader Huber Matos , who along with the anti-Communist wing of 26 July Movement, joined them in denouncing "Communist encroachment".
This multi-national force, composed mostly of Spaniards and Cubans, but also of Croatians, Germans, Greeks, and right-wing mercenaries, was plotting to topple Castro's new regime.
Such threats were heightened when, on 4 March , two massive explosions ripped through the French freighter La Coubre , which was carrying Belgian munitions from the port of Antwerp , and was docked in Havana Harbor.
The blasts killed at least 76 people and injured several hundred, with Guevara personally providing first aid to some of the victims.
Fidel Castro immediately accused the CIA of "an act of terrorism" and held a state funeral the following day for the victims of the blast.
Perceived threats prompted Castro to eliminate more " counter-revolutionaries " and to utilize Guevara to drastically increase the speed of land reform.
INRA quickly became the most important governing body in the nation, with Guevara serving as its head in his capacity as minister of industries. Eisenhower sharply reduced United States imports of Cuban sugar Cuba's main cash crop , which led Guevara on 10 July to address over , workers in front of the Presidential Palace at a rally to denounce the "economic aggression" of the United States.
Leonardo Tamayo , fought with Guevara in Cuba and Bolivia . Along with land reform, Guevara stressed the need for national improvement in literacy.
Accompanying literacy, Guevara was also concerned with establishing universal access to higher education. To accomplish this the new regime introduced affirmative action to the universities.
While announcing this new commitment, Guevara told the gathered faculty and students at the University of Las Villas that the days when education was "a privilege of the white middle class" had ended.
The merit of Marx is that he suddenly produces a qualitative change in the history of social thought. He interprets history, understands its dynamic, predicts the future, but in addition to predicting it which would satisfy his scientific obligation , he expresses a revolutionary concept: the world must not only be interpreted, it must be transformed.
Man ceases to be the slave and tool of his environment and converts himself into the architect of his own destiny. Our revolution has discovered by its methods the paths that Marx pointed out.
In defending his political stance, Guevara confidently remarked, "There are truths so evident, so much a part of people's knowledge, that it is now useless to discuss them.
One ought to be Marxist with the same naturalness with which one is ' Newtonian ' in physics , or ' Pasteurian ' in biology.
Man truly achieves his full human condition when he produces without being compelled by the physical necessity of selling himself as a commodity.
At this stage, Guevara acquired the additional position of Finance Minister, as well as President of the National Bank. Instead of using his full name, he signed the bills solely " Che ".
In an effort to eliminate social inequalities , Guevara and Cuba's new leadership had moved to swiftly transform the political and economic base of the country through nationalizing factories, banks, and businesses, while attempting to ensure affordable housing, healthcare, and employment for all Cubans.
Believing that the attitudes in Cuba towards race, women, individualism , and manual labor were the product of the island's outdated past, all individuals were urged to view each other as equals and take on the values of what Guevara termed "el Hombre Nuevo" the New Man.
He negatively viewed capitalism as a "contest among wolves" where "one can only win at the cost of others" and thus desired to see the creation of a "new man and woman".
In congruence with this, all educational, mass media, and artistic community based facilities were nationalized and utilized to instill the government's official socialist ideology.
There is a great difference between free-enterprise development and revolutionary development. In one of them, wealth is concentrated in the hands of a fortunate few, the friends of the government, the best wheeler-dealers.
In the other, wealth is the people's patrimony. A further integral part of fostering a sense of "unity between the individual and the mass", Guevara believed, was volunteer work and will.
To display this, Guevara "led by example", working "endlessly at his ministry job, in construction, and even cutting sugar cane" on his day off.
As a replacement for the pay increases abolished by Guevara, workers who exceeded their quota now only received a certificate of commendation, while workers who failed to meet their quotas were given a pay cut.
This is not a matter of how many pounds of meat one might be able to eat, or how many times a year someone can go to the beach, or how many ornaments from abroad one might be able to buy with his current salary.
What really matters is that the individual feels more complete, with much more internal richness and much more responsibility. In the face of a loss of commercial connections with Western states, Guevara tried to replace them with closer commercial relationships with Eastern Bloc states, visiting a number of Marxist states and signing trade agreements with them.
It was also in East Germany where Guevara met Tamara Bunke later known as "Tania" , who was assigned as his interpreter, and who joined him years later, and was killed with him in Bolivia.
Whatever the merits or demerits of Guevara's economic principles, his programs were unsuccessful,  and accompanied a rapid drop in productivity and a rapid rise in absenteeism.
Stone who interviewed Guevara twice during this time, remarked that he was " Galahad not Robespierre ", while opining that "in a sense he was, like some early saint, taking refuge in the desert.
Only there could the purity of the faith be safeguarded from the unregenerate revisionism of human nature ". On 17 April , 1, U. However, historians give him a share of credit for the victory as he was director of instruction for Cuba's armed forces at the time.
Kennedy through Richard N. Before the invasion, the revolution was shaky. Now it's stronger than ever. In short, they seem to prepare the revolution of the toilets.
Guevara, who was practically the architect of the Soviet—Cuban relationship ,  then played a key role in bringing to Cuba the Soviet nuclear-armed ballistic missiles that precipitated the Cuban Missile Crisis in October and brought the world to the brink of nuclear war.
Afterward, he denounced the Soviets almost as frequently as he denounced the Americans. In December , Che Guevara had emerged as a "revolutionary statesman of world stature" and thus traveled to New York City as head of the Cuban delegation to speak at the United Nations.
Those who kill their own children and discriminate daily against them because of the color of their skin; those who let the murderers of blacks remain free, protecting them, and furthermore punishing the black population because they demand their legitimate rights as free men—how can those who do this consider themselves guardians of freedom?
An indignant Guevara ended his speech by reciting the Second Declaration of Havana , decreeing Latin America a "family of million brothers who suffer the same miseries".
To Guevara the conflict was a struggle of masses and ideas, which would be carried forth by those "mistreated and scorned by imperialism " who were previously considered "a weak and submissive flock".
With this "flock", Guevara now asserted, "Yankee monopoly capitalism" now terrifyingly saw their "gravediggers".
Guevara closed his remarks to the General Assembly by hypothesizing that this "wave of anger" would "sweep the lands of Latin America" and that the labor masses who "turn the wheel of history" were now, for the first time, "awakening from the long, brutalizing sleep to which they had been subjected".
Guevara later learned there had been two failed attempts on his life by Cuban exiles during his stop at the UN complex.
Afterwards Guevara commented on both incidents, stating that "it is better to be killed by a woman with a knife than by a man with a gun", while adding with a languid wave of his cigar that the explosion had "given the whole thing more flavor".
The latter expressed his admiration, declaring Guevara "one of the most revolutionary men in this country right now" while reading a statement from him to a crowd at the Audubon Ballroom.
When they found out, the television [station] came to ask me about the Lynch genealogy, but in case they were horse thieves or something like that, I didn't say much.
During this voyage, he wrote a letter to Carlos Quijano, editor of a Uruguayan weekly, which was later retitled Socialism and Man in Cuba. He also laid out the reasoning behind his anti-capitalist sentiments, stating:.
The laws of capitalism, blind and invisible to the majority, act upon the individual without his thinking about it. He sees only the vastness of a seemingly infinite horizon before him.
That is how it is painted by capitalist propagandists, who purport to draw a lesson from the example of Rockefeller —whether or not it is true—about the possibilities of success.
The amount of poverty and suffering required for the emergence of a Rockefeller , and the amount of depravity that the accumulation of a fortune of such magnitude entails, are left out of the picture, and it is not always possible to make the people in general see this.
Guevara ended the essay by declaring that "the true revolutionary is guided by a great feeling of love" and beckoning on all revolutionaries to "strive every day so that this love of living humanity will be transformed into acts that serve as examples", thus becoming "a moving force".
In Algiers , Algeria, on 24 February , Guevara made what turned out to be his last public appearance on the international stage when he delivered a speech at an economic seminar on Afro-Asian solidarity.
He proceeded to outline a number of measures which he said the communist-bloc countries must implement in order to accomplish the defeat of imperialism.
As revealed in his last public speech in Algiers, Guevara had come to view the Northern Hemisphere , led by the U.
He strongly supported Communist North Vietnam in the Vietnam War , and urged the peoples of other developing countries to take up arms and create "many Vietnams".
In Guevara's private writings from this time since released , he displays his growing criticism of the Soviet political economy, believing that the Soviets had "forgotten Marx ".
Guevara wanted the complete elimination of money, interest , commodity production , the market economy , and " mercantile relationships ": all conditions that the Soviets argued would only disappear when world communism was achieved.
Two weeks after his Algiers speech and his return to Cuba, Guevara dropped out of public life and then vanished altogether. His disappearance was variously attributed to the failure of the Cuban industrialization scheme he had advocated while minister of industries, to pressure exerted on Castro by Soviet officials who disapproved of Guevara's pro- Chinese Communist stance on the Sino-Soviet split , and to serious differences between Guevara and the pragmatic Castro regarding Cuba's economic development and ideological line.
Still, rumors spread both inside and outside Cuba concerning the missing Guevara's whereabouts. On 3 October , Castro publicly revealed an undated letter purportedly written to him by Guevara around seven months earlier which was later titled Che Guevara's "farewell letter".
In the letter, Guevara reaffirmed his enduring solidarity with the Cuban Revolution but declared his intention to leave Cuba to fight for the revolutionary cause abroad.
Additionally, he resigned from all his positions in the Cuban government and communist party, and renounced his honorary Cuban citizenship.
In early , Guevara went to Africa to offer his knowledge and experience as a guerrilla to the ongoing conflict in the Congo.
According to Algerian President Ahmed Ben Bella , Guevara thought that Africa was imperialism's weak link and so had enormous revolutionary potential.
As an admirer of the late Lumumba, Guevara declared that his "murder should be a lesson for all of us". Over the course of seven months, Ilanga grew to "admire the hard-working Guevara", who "showed the same respect to black people as he did to whites".
As an additional obstacle, white mercenary troops of the Congo National Army , led by Mike Hoare and supported by anti-Castro Cuban pilots and the CIA, thwarted Guevara's movements from his base camp in the mountains near the village of Fizi on Lake Tanganyika in southeast Congo.
They were able to monitor his communications and so pre-empted his attacks and interdicted his supply lines. Although Guevara tried to conceal his presence in Congo, the United States government knew his location and activities.
Guevara's aim was to export the revolution by instructing local anti- Mobutu Simba fighters in Marxist ideology and foco theory strategies of guerrilla warfare.
In his Congo Diary book, he cites a combination of incompetence, intransigence and infighting among the Congolese rebels as key reasons for the revolt's failure.
Guevara stated that he had planned to send the wounded back to Cuba and fight in Congo alone until his death, as a revolutionary example.
But after being urged by his comrades, and two Cuban emissaries personally sent by Castro, at the last moment he reluctantly agreed to leave Africa.
During that day and night, Guevara's forces quietly took down their base camp, burned their huts, and destroyed or threw weapons into Lake Tanganyika that they could not take with them, before crossing the border by boat into Tanzania at night and traveling by land to Dar es Salaam.
In speaking about his experience in Congo months later, Guevara concluded that he left rather than fight to the death because: "The human element failed.
There is no will to fight. The [rebel] leaders are corrupt. In a word Guevara was reluctant to return to Cuba, because Castro had already made public Guevara's "farewell letter"—a letter intended to only be revealed in the case of his death—wherein he severed all ties in order to devote himself to revolution throughout the world.
I am happy for it to be so because he is giving the Yankees a real headache. During this time abroad, Guevara compiled his memoirs of the Congo experience and wrote drafts of two more books, one on philosophy and the other on economics.
As Guevara prepared for Bolivia, he secretly traveled back to Cuba on 21 July to visit Castro, as well as to see his wife and to write a last letter to his five children to be read upon his death, which ended with him instructing them:.
Above all, always be capable of feeling deeply any injustice committed against anyone, anywhere in the world.
This is the most beautiful quality in a revolutionary. In late , Guevara's location was still not public knowledge, although representatives of Mozambique's independence movement, the FRELIMO , reported that they met with Guevara in late in Dar es Salaam regarding his offer to aid in their revolutionary project, an offer which they ultimately rejected.
Before he departed for Bolivia, Guevara altered his appearance by shaving off his beard and much of his hair, also dying it grey so that he was unrecognizable as Che Guevara.
Three days after his arrival in Bolivia, Guevara left La Paz for the rural south east region of the country to form his guerrilla army.
As a result of Guevara's units' winning several skirmishes against Bolivian troops in the spring and summer of , the Bolivian government began to overestimate the true size of the guerrilla force.
Researchers hypothesize that Guevara's plan for fomenting a revolution in Bolivia failed for an array of reasons:. In addition, Guevara's known preference for confrontation rather than compromise, which had previously surfaced during his guerrilla warfare campaign in Cuba, contributed to his inability to develop successful working relationships with local rebel leaders in Bolivia, just as it had in the Congo.
The end result was that Guevara was unable to attract inhabitants of the local area to join his militia during the eleven months he attempted recruitment.
Many of the inhabitants willingly informed the Bolivian authorities and military about the guerrillas and their movements in the area.
Near the end of the Bolivian venture, Guevara wrote in his diary that "the peasants do not give us any help, and they are turning into informers.
On 7 October , an informant apprised the Bolivian Special Forces of the location of Guevara's guerrilla encampment in the Yuro ravine.
Che's biographer Jon Lee Anderson reports Bolivian Sergeant Bernardino Huanca's account: that as the Bolivian Rangers approached, a twice-wounded Guevara, his gun rendered useless, threw up his arms in surrender and shouted to the soldiers: "Do not shoot!
I am Che Guevara and I am worth more to you alive than dead. Guevara was tied up and taken to a dilapidated mud schoolhouse in the nearby village of La Higuera on the evening of 8 October.
For the next half day, Guevara refused to be interrogated by Bolivian officers and only spoke quietly to Bolivian soldiers.
One of those Bolivian soldiers, a helicopter pilot named Jaime Nino de Guzman, describes Che as looking "dreadful". According to Guzman, Guevara was shot through the right calf, his hair was matted with dirt, his clothes were shredded, and his feet were covered in rough leather sheaths.
Despite his haggard appearance, he recounts that "Che held his head high, looked everyone straight in the eyes and asked only for something to smoke.
The following morning on 9 October, Guevara asked to see the school teacher of the village, a year-old woman named Julia Cortez. She later stated that she found Guevara to be an "agreeable looking man with a soft and ironic glance" and that during their conversation she found herself "unable to look him in the eye" because his "gaze was unbearable, piercing, and so tranquil".
A little later, Guevara was asked by one of the Bolivian soldiers guarding him if he was thinking about his own immortality. Shoot, coward! You are only going to kill a man!
This included five times in his legs, once in the right shoulder and arm, and once in the chest and throat. Months earlier, during his last public declaration to the Tricontinental Conference ,  Guevara had written his own epitaph , stating: "Wherever death may surprise us, let it be welcome, provided that this our battle cry may have reached some receptive ear and another hand may be extended to wield our weapons.
Put on display, as hundreds of local residents filed past the body, Guevara's corpse was considered by many to represent a "Christ-like" visage, with some even surreptitiously clipping locks of his hair as divine relics.
Johnson from his National Security Advisor Walt Whitman Rostow , called the decision to kill Guevara "stupid" but "understandable from a Bolivian standpoint".
The hands were sent to Buenos Aires for fingerprint identification. They were later sent to Cuba.
On 15 October in Havana, Fidel Castro publicly acknowledged that Guevara was dead and proclaimed three days of public mourning throughout Cuba.
If we wish to express what we want the men of future generations to be, we must say: Let them be like Che!
If we wish to say how we want our children to be educated, we must say without hesitation: We want them to be educated in Che's spirit! If we want the model of a man, who does not belong to our times but to the future, I say from the depths of my heart that such a model, without a single stain on his conduct, without a single stain on his action, is Che!
Also removed when Guevara was captured were his 30,word, hand-written diary, a collection of his personal poetry, and a short story he had authored about a young Communist guerrilla who learns to overcome his fears.
The diary tells how the guerrillas were forced to begin operations prematurely because of discovery by the Bolivian Army, explains Guevara's decision to divide the column into two units that were subsequently unable to re-establish contact, and describes their overall unsuccessful venture.
He suffered from ever-worsening bouts of asthma, and most of his last offensives were carried out in an attempt to obtain medicine.
Debray, who had lived with Guevara's band of guerrillas for a short time, said that in his view they were "victims of the forest" and thus "eaten by the jungle".
Debray recounts that Guevara and the others had been suffering an "illness" which caused their hands and feet to swell into "mounds of flesh" to the point where you could not discern the fingers on their hands.
Debray described Guevara as "optimistic about the future of Latin America" despite the futile situation, and remarked that Guevara was "resigned to die in the knowledge that his death would be a sort of renaissance", noting that Guevara perceived death "as a promise of rebirth" and "ritual of renewal".
To a certain extent, this belief by Guevara of a metaphorical resurrection came true. While pictures of the dead Guevara were being circulated and the circumstances of his death were being debated, Che's legend began to spread.
Demonstrations in protest against his "assassination" occurred throughout the world, and articles, tributes, and poems were written about his life and death.
In the view of military historian Erik Durschmied : "In those heady months of , Che Guevara was not dead. He was very much alive. The result was a multi-national search for the remains, which lasted more than a year.
In July a team of Cuban geologists and Argentine forensic anthropologists discovered the remnants of seven bodies in two mass graves, including one man without hands as Guevara would have been.
Bolivian government officials with the Ministry of Interior later identified the body as Guevara when the excavated teeth "perfectly matched" a plaster mold of Che's teeth made in Cuba prior to his Congolese expedition.
The "clincher" then arrived when Argentine forensic anthropologist Alejandro Inchaurregui inspected the inside hidden pocket of a blue jacket dug up next to the handless cadaver and found a small bag of pipe tobacco.
Nino de Guzman, the Bolivian helicopter pilot who had given Che a small bag of tobacco, later remarked that he "had serious doubts" at first and "thought the Cubans would just find any old bones and call it Che"; but "after hearing about the tobacco pouch, I have no doubts.
In July , the Bolivian government of Evo Morales unveiled Guevara's formerly-sealed diaries composed in two frayed notebooks, along with a logbook and several black-and-white photographs.
At this event Bolivia's vice-minister of culture, Pablo Groux, expressed that there were plans to publish photographs of every handwritten page later in the year.
The discovery of Che's remains metonymically activated a series of interlinked associations—rebel, martyr, rogue figure from a picaresque adventure, savior, renegade, extremist—in which there was no fixed divide among them.
The current court of opinion places Che on a continuum that teeters between viewing him as a misguided rebel, a coruscatingly brilliant guerrilla philosopher, a poet-warrior jousting at windmills, a brazen warrior who threw down the gauntlet to the bourgeoisie, the object of fervent paeans to his sainthood, or a mass murderer clothed in the guise of an avenging angel whose every action is imbricated in violence—the archetypal Fanatical Terrorist.
Guevara's life and legacy remain contentious. The perceived contradictions of his ethos at various points in his life have created a complex character of duality, one who was "able to wield the pen and submachine gun with equal skill", while prophesying that "the most important revolutionary ambition was to see man liberated from his alienation ".
A secular humanist and sympathetic practitioner of medicine who did not hesitate to shoot his enemies, a celebrated internationalist leader who advocated violence to enforce a utopian philosophy of the collective good , an idealistic intellectual who loved literature but refused to allow dissent, an anti-imperialist Marxist insurgent who was radically willing to forge a poverty-less new world on the apocalyptic ashes of the old one, and finally, an outspoken anti-capitalist whose image has been commoditized.
Che's history continues to be rewritten and re-imagined. As such, various notable individuals have lauded Guevara; for example, Nelson Mandela referred to him as "an inspiration for every human being who loves freedom",  while Jean-Paul Sartre described him as "not only an intellectual but also the most complete human being of our age".
Conversely, Jacobo Machover, an exiled opposition author, dismisses all praise of Guevara and portrays him as a callous executioner.
In a mixed assessment, British historian Hugh Thomas opined that Guevara was a "brave, sincere and determined man who was also obstinate, narrow, and dogmatic".
Yet, he still remains a transcendent figure both in specifically political contexts  and as a wide-ranging popular icon of youthful rebellion.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Argentine Marxist revolutionary. Hilda Gadea. Aleida March. A motorcycle journey the length of South America awakened him to the injustice of US domination in the hemisphere, and to the suffering colonialism brought to its original inhabitants.
I have yet to find a single credible source pointing to a case where Che executed "an innocent". Those persons executed by Guevara or on his orders were condemned for the usual crimes punishable by death at times of war or in its aftermath: desertion, treason or crimes such as rape, torture or murder.
I should add that my research spanned five years, and included anti-Castro Cubans among the Cuban-American exile community in Miami and elsewhere.
Guevara was like a father to me He taught me to think. He taught me the most beautiful thing which is to be human.
Theoretical works. Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon. Grundrisse der Kritik der Politischen Ökonomie.
A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy. Economic determinism Historical materialism Marx's dialectic Marx's method Philosophy of nature.
Related topics. Related categories. Marx characterized the psychological or philosophical manifestation of capitalist social relations as alienation and antagonism ; the result of the commodification of labor and the operation of the law of value.
For Guevara, the challenge was to replace the individuals' alienation from the productive process , and the antagonism generated by class relations, with integration and solidarity , developing a collective attitude to production and the concept of work as a social duty.
There was no person more feared by the company CIA than Che Guevara because he had the capacity and charisma necessary to direct the struggle against the political repression of the traditional hierarchies in power in the countries of Latin America.
Main article: Che Guevara Mausoleum. Main article: Bibliography of Che Guevara. The Hands of Che Guevara. Biography portal Socialism portal Communism portal Cuba portal.
Retrieved 4 October Collins English Dictionary. Constenla alleges that she was told by Che's mother, Celia de la Serna, that she was already pregnant when she and Ernesto Guevara Lynch were married and that the date on the birth certificate of their son was forged to make it appear that he was born a month later than the actual date to avoid scandal.
Anderson , pp. And I began to realize at that time that there were things that were almost as important to me as becoming famous or making a significant contribution to medical science: I wanted to help those people.
This inflow takes various forms: loans granted on onerous terms; investments that place a given country in the power of the investors; almost total technological subordination of the dependent country to the developed country; control of a country's foreign trade by the big international monopolies; and in extreme cases, the use of force as an economic weapon in support of the other forms of exploitation.
Both are stages on the same road leading toward the creation of a new society of justice and plenty. Sus modales son suaves.
Al impartir una orden se ve que manda de verdad. Se cumple en el acto. Nuestra lucha es una lucha a muerte. El guerrillero es, fundamentalmente, y antes que nada, un revolucionario agrario.
Esta es la historia de un fracaso. Comprendemos las dificultades de Tanzania hoy, pero no estamos de acuerdo con sus planteamientos.
Cuba no retrocede de sus compromisos ni puede aceptar una fuga vergonzosa dejando al hermano en desgracia a merced de los mercenarios. Crear dos, tres A las La noticia parece diversionista.
Entretanto el cerco se va cerrando. Sin embargo, los enfermos logran salir. Era aproximadamente la una de la tarde de Bolivia.
Pero el coronel se puso furioso. Ese fue el peor momento de mi vida. En ese momento vi al Che grande, muy grande, enorme. Sus ojos brillaban intensamente.
Ya estaba muerto. Sin embargo, algunas fuentes indican que esa fecha era falsa. Barcelona: Anagrama, El Nuevo Cojo Ilustrado.
Consultado el 13 de febrero de Ernesto Guevara Lynch, Consultado el 27 de diciembre de Archivado desde el original el 12 de mayo de Consultado el 16 de enero de Consultado el 6 de julio de Por el acento, era un comprovinciano, Peguero, Sorayda 9 de octubre de El Espectador.
Buenos Aires: A. Antes del Fin. Buenos Aires: Palestra, Breve historia del Che Guevara. Madrid: Nowtilus. Martin Press, Regnery Publishing, Inc. Archivado desde el original el 28 de septiembre de ISBN Vistas Leer Editar Ver historial.
Wikimedia Commons Wikiquote Wikisource. Fidel Castro. Ministerio creado. Chang Cho Fuser. Mausoleo del Che Guevara. Argentina y cubana.
Partido Comunista de Cuba. Ernesto Guevara Lynch Celia de la Serna. Movimiento 26 de Julio. Hasta siempre, comandante Carlos Puebla.
El Che Guevara.